Monday, July 14, 2025
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Namal Rajapaksa Claims Imminent Arrest Over Krish Deal

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Parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa has stated that he has received information indicating a plan to arrest him next week.

He further claimed that there was a move to fabricate evidence related to the Krish transaction to facilitate his arrest.

Rajapaksa made these remarks while visiting former ministers Keheliya Rambukwella and Mahindananda Aluthgamage, who are currently in remand prison, at the Welikada Prison.

During the meeting, Namal Rajapaksa reportedly mentioned that he might be joining the two former ministers in the coming week.

Key SJB Organizer Resigns Amid Internal Disputes; MP Expresses Discontent

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Former Member of Parliament Bandulal Bandarigoda has resigned from his position as the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) organizer for the Galle electorate.

Bandarigoda stated that his decision stems from disagreements regarding the nomination of winning candidates to local government councils following the recent elections.

Meanwhile, SJB Parliamentarian Rohini Kaviratne has voiced her dissatisfaction with certain decisions made by the party.

She alleged that prior agreements were violated during the nomination process for local council members. This situation, according to Kaviratne, has left many organizers in a difficult position, unable to face their constituents.

Cabinet Reshuffle on the Horizon as Minister Hints at Changes; Opposition Demands Probe into Parliamentary Clash

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Minister Bimal Rathnayake has stated that a reshuffle of government responsibilities, including ministers, is expected shortly, as reported by InfoSriLanka.lk last week.

Speaking on a television program on Television, Minister Rathnayake indicated that he and other ministers had requested changes to their portfolios, and new appointments were also possible.

Meanwhile, the opposition has lodged a formal complaint with the Speaker following the appointment of a committee to investigate a recent exchange between Member of Parliament Dayasiri Jayasekara and Leader of the House, Minister Bimal Rathnayake. The letter, signed by several MPs from the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, addresses the events of May 20, 2025, in Parliament.

The opposition’s letter highlights concerns regarding the safety of parliamentarians under Standing Order 92 (2) (a), following Mr. Jayasekara’s raising of the issue. It further alleges that MP Kaushalya Ariyarathna challenged the Speaker’s authority, thereby violating standing orders, and that Leader of the House Bimal Rathnayake contravened Standing Order 91 (u) by accusing Mr. Jayasekara.

The opposition MPs have demanded an inquiry into the conduct of the Leader of the House, asserting that the accusations leveled against Mr. Jayasekara – specifically being labeled as someone who defrauded the President’s Fund and stole from the poor – have damaged his reputation.

Crisis Deepens for Samagi Jana Balawegaya as Key Organizers Resign

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The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) is reportedly facing a significant internal crisis, with three key electoral organizers from the Matale district deciding to resign from their positions. Former State Minister Rajith Aluvihare, the organizer for the Ratthota electorate, stated that the organizers for Matale, Vasantha Aluvihare, Dambulla, Champika Wijeratne, and himself have decided to step down due to continuous mistreatment by the party. Rajith Aluvihare further revealed that many others are also expected to submit their resignation letters.

This development follows reports that Badulla District Parliamentarian Chaminda Wijesiri resigned from his position as the Bandarawela electorate organizer for the SJB yesterday (May 23), a decision he has already communicated to the party.

This wave of resignations has cast a shadow over the future political trajectory of the SJB, further substantiating claims made by InfoSriLanka.LK regarding a severe crisis within the party.

Anura Who Doesn’t Learn: Dinana Dakuna Collective Criticizes Government’s Handling of State Sector Efficiency and Debt Crisis

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The “Dinana Dakuna” (Winning South) collective, aiming to reinstate right-wing politics, held a press conference yesterday (May 22nd) and asserted that the current government, led by the President, has failed to enhance state capacity through public service efficiency and restructure loss-making state institutions/enterprises. They emphasized the nation’s escalating debt crisis.

The press briefing saw the participation of figures including Attorney-at-Law Sudarshana Gunawardena, Attorney-at-Law Dr. Priyankara Mahagamage, Ravi Kumudesh, and Maheel Bandara. Sudarshana Gunawardena shared his views on the reform of state-owned enterprises in the power and energy sectors under the theme “Anura Who Doesn’t Learn,” highlighting the continuous losses of public enterprises and their detrimental impact on the national economy, which peaked in 2022.

Gunawardena pointed out that the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) and the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) had the most adverse effects on the economy due to persistent losses. He identified two primary reasons for these ongoing losses: the continuous failure to price their products and poor financial management properly.

The simultaneous weakening of the Sri Lankan Rupee against the US Dollar (from 200 to 365) and the rapid increase in global energy prices significantly inflated the cost of fuel imports. However, retail prices for electricity and petroleum did not reflect these rising costs, exacerbating the financial woes of the CEB and CPC, leading to power cuts and fuel queues.

The government’s initial key reform for loss-making state enterprises was the introduction of a cost-reflective pricing mechanism, known as the “price formula,” for fuel and electricity retail. While a price formula for petroleum products was first implemented in 2018 but abandoned in 2019, it was reintroduced in May 2022. Similarly, electricity tariffs were increased based on cost in August 2022 and February 2023, marking the first such increase in the power sector since 2013.

The delay in implementing cost-based pricing resulted in massive losses for the CEB (Rs. 262 billion) and the CPC (Rs. 615 billion) in 2022. These losses necessitated significant fund allocations from the Treasury to bail out these entities.

The collective acknowledged the necessity of a cost-based pricing formula for energy in a country like Sri Lanka, which imports energy and is vulnerable to fluctuations in global energy prices and the exchange rate. However, they also recognized the challenge such a formula poses to consumers, especially the poor and vulnerable, given the prevailing trend of rising global energy prices and the weakening rupee. This had previously led to questions about the government’s role if prices were simply dictated by global market forces.

Past governments had addressed this by subsidizing public utilities like electricity and fuel, selling them below market prices as a welfare measure, with the Treasury covering the losses. However, the 2022 economic crisis made this unsustainable. Instead, the government opted to maintain cost-based pricing at the retail level while providing cash allowances under the “Aswesuma” program to identified low-income groups to mitigate the impact. This approach ensures that all consumers pay the actual cost of energy, discouraging inefficient usage by wealthier segments of society, while supporting the vulnerable.

The press conference further highlighted that implementing cost-based pricing alone was insufficient to resolve the financial distress of the CEB and CPC. The CPC, for instance, faces a significant challenge due to importing fuel with US dollars and selling it in the local market for Rupees. This currency mismatch leads to substantial losses whenever the Rupee depreciates against the Dollar.

To address this, the government transferred the foreign currency-denominated debt of the CPC, and to a lesser extent the CEB, onto the government’s balance sheet. This debt relief is part of a broader exercise to restructure the balance sheets of financially significant state-owned enterprises, including the CPC, CEB, Road Development Authority, and Sri Lankan Airlines.

The government also addressed the issue of “cross guarantees” between state-owned enterprises. For example, the CEB and Sri Lankan Airlines owe substantial amounts to the CPC for fuel, with delays in payments forcing the CPC to borrow from state banks at high interest rates. The previous cabinet had approved measures to eliminate these cross-guarantees.

This balance sheet restructuring is expected to significantly improve the financial health of these key state-owned enterprises while minimizing risks to the financial and banking sectors. However, the collective emphasized the crucial need for long-term solutions to prevent such mismatches from recurring.

With the stabilization of the CEB and CPC’s financial positions, the next imperative is to enhance their efficiency and competitiveness through increased market competition. Steps have already been taken to introduce competition in the petroleum retail market, with Sinopec commencing commercial operations as the first new entrant, followed by RM Parks-Shell. While United Petroleum Australia also entered the market, it later withdrew.

Increased competition in the petroleum retail sector will compel the CPC to streamline operations, reduce costs, and operate more efficiently to remain competitive, ultimately benefiting consumers with better prices and services. Globally, petroleum retail is a competitive business with multiple players, and governments have largely stepped back from direct involvement.

Simultaneously, the previous government initiated the “unbundling” of the CEB’s operations, with the Asian Development Bank playing a significant role. This aims to foster competition within the institution, leading to improved operational efficiency and financial autonomy in power generation and distribution.

The introduction of Bulk Supply Transaction Accounts (BSTA) is expected to enhance transparency, leading to better prices and outcomes for consumers. Automation of meter readings, replacing the current manual system, is another example that can provide timely and predictable meter readings, benefiting consumers and improving the productivity of the CEB’s workforce.

Auditor General Nominee Rejected Again by Constitutional Council

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s nomination of H.T.P. Chandana, a board member of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, for the position of Auditor General, was rejected for the second time by the Constitutional Council yesterday (21st).

During the vote on the proposal, it received 3 votes in favor and 5 votes against. The President’s initial recommendation also failed to gain consensus in the Constitutional Council the day before, leading to yesterday’s reconvening to reconsider the matter.

Samagi Jana Balawegaya Member of Parliament Mujibur Rahuman alleged that H.T.P. Chandana, nominated by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake for the vacant Auditor General post, was junior to the President during their time at the University of Kelaniya. He argued that an individual with only approximately five years of experience as an audit director at the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation was unsuitable for the position.

Meanwhile, Member of Parliament Dr. Harsha de Silva stated that the government was attempting to appoint an external individual to the Auditor General’s post, despite the presence of the most senior official within the Auditor General’s Department. The Constitutional Council had also previously withheld its consent on a nominee from a private sector audit firm put forward by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leading to a postponement of the decision until yesterday.

The Joint Trade Union Alliance of the National Audit Office has strongly protested against the attempt to appoint an external individual instead of Dharmapala Gammanpila, the most senior official in the State Audit Service, to the post of Auditor General.

The Auditor General’s position has been vacant for 42 days since the retirement of the previous holder. Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe also faced a similar predicament during the appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon as the Inspector General of Police.

Make Sri Lanka Great!

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By Visvalingam Muralithas

Sri Lanka holds immense untapped economic potential, bolstered by its strategic location along major global trade routes, rich natural resources, and a vibrant cultural heritage. Yet, despite these advantages, the nation has faced significant setbacks in recent decades—civil conflict, political instability, economic mismanagement, and rising poverty. Against this backdrop, the call to “Make Sri Lanka Great” is more than a slogan; it is a mission. It represents a collective vision to restore economic stability, promote inclusive growth, and unlock a future of opportunity for all Sri Lankans.

Reclaiming Sri Lanka’s Historical Greatness

Historically, Sri Lanka was a flourishing center of commerce, education, and cultural exchange in the Indian Ocean. Its location between East and West positioned it as a maritime trade hub linking Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. Ports such as Colombo, Galle, Trincomalee, KKS connected global traders, scholars, and travelers, fostering a dynamic and prosperous economy.

Today, reviving this legacy is crucial. Economic renewal must be anchored in a fusion of historical insight, national unity, and bold innovation. To move forward, Sri Lanka must:

  • Reclaim its legacy of knowledge, resilience, and productivity.
  • Promote confidence in its global economic potential, encouraging innovation, entrepreneurship, and investment.
  • Ensure social inclusion, recognizing that unity across ethnic and religious lines is foundational to sustainable growth.

By leveraging its geographic strengths, investing in human capital, and creating a transparent, investor-friendly environment, Sri Lanka can once again become a leading player in regional and global trade.

Economic Challenges

Sri Lanka’s development path is obstructed by a complex web of systemic challenges. An ongoing economic crisis—driven by high debt, poor fiscal discipline, and import dependency—has caused inflation, job losses, and currency depreciation. Political instability and inconsistent policymaking further undermine investor confidence and long-term planning.

Social divisions, rooted in a civil war that ended in 2009, continue to impact national unity. Additionally, youth unemployment and the outmigration of skilled workers are weakening the nation’s human capital. Environmental degradation through deforestation, pollution, and unregulated urbanization threatens tourism, agriculture, and long-term resilience. Addressing these interconnected issues is essential to laying a foundation for economic recovery and sustainable progress.

A New National Vision

To become truly great, Sri Lanka must redefine development beyond GDP and infrastructure. A developed Sri Lanka should be:

  • Economically strong, with robust industries in technology, tourism, agriculture, and services.
  • Socially cohesive, where every citizen is treated equally and with dignity.
  • Globally respected, as a democratic, peaceful, and environmentally responsible nation.
  • Empowering to youth, offering them opportunities to succeed at home, not just abroad.

Foreign-to-Local Citizen Ratios

The Foreign-to-Local Citizen Ratio is more than just a demographic statistic — it serves as a valuable indicator of a country’s openness, safety, and attractiveness to the global community. A healthy ratio often reflects a nation’s ability to provide freedom, security, and economic opportunity to foreigners who visit, live, work, or invest

CountryTotal PopulationForeign ResidentsLocal CitizensForeign-to-Local Ratio
Singapore6.04 million1.86 million4.18 million44%
Sri Lanka23.23 million0.3 million22.9 million1.3%
United States332 million53.5 million278.5 million15.8%
Germany82.7 million14.06 million68.64 million17%
United Arab Emirates9.89 million8.89 million1 million90%

For example, Singapore’s 44% foreign-to-local ratio has supported its rise as a financial and innovation hub by filling labor gaps and driving productivity. While Sri Lanka’s 1.3% ratio reflects low foreign participation, strategic immigration and talent attraction could contribute to economic revitalization.

Singapore, the UAE, and Germany have higher foreign-to-local ratios, signaling environments where international residents feel safe, welcomed, and empowered. These nations offer stable governance, clear legal frameworks, and strong institutions that attract foreign workers, investors, and entrepreneurs.

A favorable ratio also shows that a country:

  • Ensures security and legal protection for foreigners.
  • Provides infrastructure and services that support international living and business.
  • Encourages foreign direct investment (FDI) and startup ecosystems by reducing red tape and fostering trust.
  • Embraces cultural diversity, creating a dynamic and innovative society.

For Sri Lanka, improving its foreign-to-local ratio can boost its global reputation as a safe, business-friendly, and forward-looking nation. By creating an environment where foreigners feel confident to visit, reside, invest, and contribute, the country can unlock new economic opportunities and accelerate its journey toward sustainable development.

Economic Renewal

To make Sri Lanka great, a comprehensive strategy is required:

  • Good Governance: Eliminate corruption, strengthen democratic institutions, and promote transparency and rule of law.
  • Economic Transformation: Support local production, SMEs, and ethical foreign investment. Create a resilient, diversified, and export-oriented economy.
  • Education and Skills: Modernize the education system to meet future job demands, especially in IT, engineering, tourism, and creative sectors. Expand vocational training to empower youth.
  • Social Inclusion and Reconciliation: Promote national unity through inclusive governance, equal rights, and decentralization to ensure all regions benefit from development.
  • Environmental Sustainability: Invest in clean energy, eco-tourism, and sustainable agriculture. Protect forests, oceans, and heritage sites to maintain long-term economic and ecological balance.
  • Fiscal and Institutional Reform: Improve tax systems, streamline public spending, and create a stable investment environment to manage debt and rebuild confidence.
  • Knowledge Economy: Position Sri Lanka as a digital hub in South Asia by investing in R&D, digital infrastructure, and innovation ecosystems.

Conclusion

The country has the potential to follow the path of nations like South Korea, Japan, and Singapore — countries that transformed crisis into opportunity through strong leadership, national unity, and long-term reform.

To achieve this, Sri Lanka must embrace good governance, invest in human capital, promote entrepreneurship, and prioritize sustainable development. The nation’s future greatness depends on bold economic transformation rooted in its unique strengths. With a clear vision, inclusive policies, and collective commitment, Sri Lanka can rise above its challenges and secure a peaceful, prosperous, and globally respected future.

Writer

Visvalingam Muralithas is a researcher in the legislative sector, specializing in policy analysis and economic research. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Economics at the University of Colombo, with a research focus on governance, development, and sustainable growth.

He holds a Bachelor of Arts in Economics (Honours) from the University of Jaffna and a Master’s degree in Economics from the University of Colombo. His academic background is further strengthened by postgraduate diplomas in Education from the Open University of Sri Lanka and in Monitoring and Evaluation from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura.

In addition to his research work, Muralithas has contributed to academia by teaching economics at the University of Colombo and the Institute of Bankers of Sri Lanka (IBSL) and has also gained industry experience as an investment advisor at a stock brokerage firm affiliated with the Colombo Stock Exchange.

📧 Email: [email protected]
📞 Phone: +94 778135971

Aid Cannot Make Poor Countries Prosperous: Lessons Learned from Malawi to Sri Lanka

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By Visvalingam Muralithas

Malawi, one of the poorest nations on earth, is deeply dependent on foreign aid. Its capital, Lilongwe—a planned city constructed in the 1970s with World Bank financing—stands as a physical manifestation of this reliance. The city’s neatly ordered streets are lined with the offices of international charities, development agencies, and various government departments. Tucked away in informal settlements are the homes of domestic workers—cooks, cleaners, and drivers—employed by foreign officials. These settlements often display the flags of the donor nations supporting them, like miniature embassies for aid.

Over the past fifty years, foreign governments and development institutions have established an unofficial division of labor in Malawi. The United Kingdom funds education initiatives, Japan supports energy infrastructure, the European Union invests in agriculture, and Ireland backs a network of legal advocacy groups. Even Malawi’s Ministry of Health operates with significant foreign input—its operations are underwritten by Chinese funding, and its corridors are lined with offices labeled not by the department but by donors. Many doors simply read “USAID,” the acronym for the United States Agency for International Development.

This deeply embedded system was shaken abruptly just over a month ago, when Donald Trump, returning to office, suspended funding to USAID—the primary channel through which the U.S. distributes its foreign aid. The impact was immediate and widespread. Vital programs came to a halt overnight. Though a waiver was later introduced to allow “life-saving” projects to resume, the approval process required the sign-off of local development officers—many of whom were on furlough due to the freeze. As a result, only a small number of projects have managed to restart.

In Malawi, the shutdown has forced the closure of maternal health clinics and refugee support services. Many organizations have no expectation of reopening until Trump’s 90-day suspension expires. Yet not all the suspended initiatives were emergency responses. Many of the halted efforts were aimed at fostering long-term development—designed to make Malawi more economically self-sufficient, not merely to keep people alive.

Trump’s freeze is a stark illustration of a broader shift in the global approach to foreign aid. On February 25th, British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer announced a significant reduction in the UK’s aid budget, lowering it from 0.5% to 0.3% of gross national income in order to redirect funds to defense. France, traditionally the second-largest Western donor after the United States, plans to slash its aid contributions by 35% this year. Germany is also contemplating cuts. Public opinion in many donor countries supports these reductions, reflecting a growing weariness with foreign aid spending.

The History of Foreign Aid in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka, a South Asian island nation, has been one of the prominent recipients of foreign aid over the years. Despite substantial assistance from international donors, Sri Lanka’s development trajectory has faced significant challenges. In this context, Sri Lanka offers valuable lessons regarding the complex relationship between foreign aid and economic prosperity.

Sri Lanka has received foreign aid in various forms, including grants, loans, and technical assistance, from global financial institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and bilateral donors like the United States, Japan, the United Kingdom, India, China, etc., . This aid has supported a wide range of initiatives, from infrastructure development to education, healthcare, and disaster relief efforts.

Sri Lanka’s reliance on foreign aid peaked in the early 2000s, as the country was emerging from a prolonged civil war that had severely crippled its economy and infrastructure. Donors were keen to help Sri Lanka recover and rebuild, contributing to a steady flow of assistance aimed at stabilizing the country’s post-conflict recovery. However, despite this support, Sri Lanka’s economic progress has been uneven, and poverty remains widespread, especially in rural areas.

While foreign aid has helped Sri Lanka achieve certain development goals, it has not been the panacea that many had hoped for. The following key lessons can be drawn from Sri Lanka’s experience with foreign aid.

  1. Aid Dependency and the Lack of Long-Term Solutions

One of the most glaring issues with foreign aid in Sri Lanka is its creation of dependency. Despite billions of dollars in aid, Sri Lanka has continued to rely on external support for much of its development. This dependency has been particularly noticeable in the country’s agricultural sector, where small-scale farmers struggle to compete with subsidized imports. Aid-funded projects have often addressed immediate needs but have failed to establish the internal structures necessary for long-term economic growth.

Sri Lanka’s experience has shown that while aid can provide temporary relief, it is not a substitute for long-term economic planning and self-sufficiency. As aid flows have decreased or become more conditional, Sri Lanka has faced mounting challenges to maintain the gains made in education, health, and infrastructure development.

2. Political Instability and Corruption

A significant portion of Sri Lanka’s foreign aid has been diverted due to corruption and poor governance. The misuse of aid funds has been an ongoing issue, with political elites often channeling resources toward projects that benefit their interests rather than addressing the country’s developmental needs. The lack of transparency in the management of aid has meant that many aid-funded projects have not yielded the desired results.

For example, large infrastructure projects funded by foreign aid, such as highways and airports, have been subject to political interference and mismanagement, and there are no effective monitoring and evaluation systems in place. These projects, while well-intentioned, often end up benefiting private contractors and foreign companies rather than creating lasting benefits for local communities. Furthermore, when foreign contractors handle the construction, and materials, equipment, and tools are imported from donor countries or other foreign nations, the foreign currency spent does not circulate within Sri Lanka but is sent abroad. As a result, while the economy may experience some increase in foreign reserves, the overall positive impact on the local economy remains limited.

3. The Debt Trap

Sri Lanka’s heavy borrowing from international lenders and foreign governments to fund development projects has led to a growing debt crisis. Much of the aid came as loans with interest, pushing the country’s debt-to-GDP ratio higher. As repayment pressures mounted, Sri Lanka faced defaults, austerity measures, and reduced public spending, weakening economic growth and leaving the country vulnerable to external shocks.

4. Unintended Consequences

Foreign aid can also distort local markets, particularly when it comes to food aid or subsidies. In the case of Sri Lanka, large quantities of imported food aid have undermined local agricultural production, making Sri Lanka less self-reliant and more dependent on foreign food supplies. Local farmers often struggle to compete with subsidized goods brought in by international donors, and this hampers the growth of the domestic agricultural sector.

Furthermore, aid-funded projects, particularly in the area of infrastructure, have not always been aligned with local needs. For instance, large-scale infrastructure projects like highways or airports have often been funded by aid without proper consideration of their long-term economic impact on local communities. These projects tend to benefit multinational corporations and foreign contractors, rather than creating local employment or addressing critical infrastructure deficits that would have a lasting impact on economic growth.

5. Missed Opportunities for Building Human Capital

Another significant issue with foreign aid in Sri Lanka has been the lack of focus on building human capital. Despite receiving substantial aid for education and healthcare, the country has not invested enough in developing the skills and expertise required to drive innovation and entrepreneurship. For example, foreign-funded education programs have often emphasized formal schooling without addressing the need for vocational training or entrepreneurial skills.

As a result, Sri Lanka has struggled to create an environment conducive to economic diversification and job creation. The country’s reliance on foreign aid has detracted from efforts to build a strong domestic workforce capable of supporting the country’s long-term economic growth. Instead of focusing on creating a culture of self-reliance, the aid model has perpetuated the need for ongoing external assistance.

The Changing Landscape of Foreign Aid

In recent years, Sri Lanka has begun to reassess its relationship with foreign aid. The country has made efforts to diversify its sources of funding, moving away from traditional aid toward foreign direct investment (FDI) and trade agreements. Sri Lanka has also sought to tap into its own resources to drive development, including through the promotion of domestic industries and entrepreneurship.
Despite these efforts, Sri Lanka remains heavily dependent on external financial support. The country’s fiscal deficits and rising debt levels continue to constrain its ability to invest in key sectors like education, healthcare, and infrastructure without relying on foreign aid.

Moving Beyond Foreign Aid

The lessons from Sri Lanka highlight the need for a new approach to development—one that focuses on self-sufficiency, institutional capacity building, and sustainable economic growth. While foreign aid can play a role in addressing immediate humanitarian needs and providing support during crises, it should not be seen as the primary engine of long-term economic development.

To move beyond aid dependency, Sri Lanka needs to prioritize the following:

  1. Strengthening Governance and Accountability: The government must improve its ability to manage resources effectively and reduce corruption. Transparent and accountable governance is essential to ensure that aid and other external financial resources are used to support long-term development goals.
  2. Diversifying the Economy: Sri Lanka should focus on diversifying its economy to reduce reliance on traditional sectors like tea, textiles, and tourism. Investing in technology, innovation, and new industries can help drive sustainable growth.
  3. Investing in Human Capital: By prioritizing education, vocational training, and entrepreneurship, Sri Lanka can develop a skilled workforce capable of supporting diverse industries and creating self-sustaining economic growth.
  4. Building Stronger Domestic Institutions: Strengthening domestic institutions, from local governments to the private sector, will ensure that Sri Lanka can create an environment conducive to investment and growth.
  5. Fostering Regional Cooperation: Engaging with neighboring countries and leveraging regional trade agreements can provide new opportunities for Sri Lanka to expand its markets and build a more resilient economy.

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s experience with foreign aid offers valuable lessons for other developing nations. While aid can provide short-term relief, it has not been a cure-all for the country’s development challenges. By focusing on sustainable economic growth, reducing dependency on external resources, and strengthening local institutions, Sri Lanka can chart a more prosperous and self-reliant future. The key lies in striking a balance between external assistance and internal capacity building, ensuring that foreign aid serves as a tool, not a crutch, for long-term development.

Source: The Economist

Writer

Visvalingam Muralithas is a researcher in the legislative sector, specializing in policy analysis and economic research. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Economics at the University of Colombo, with a research focus on governance, development, and sustainable growth.

He holds a Bachelor of Arts in Economics (Honours) from the University of Jaffna and a Master’s degree in Economics from the University of Colombo. His academic background is further strengthened by postgraduate diplomas in Education from the Open University of Sri Lanka and in Monitoring and Evaluation from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura.

In addition to his research work, Muralithas has contributed to academia by teaching economics at the University of Colombo and the Institute of Bankers of Sri Lanka (IBSL) and has also gained industry experience as an investment advisor at a stock brokerage firm affiliated with the Colombo Stock Exchange.

📧 Email: [email protected]
📞 Phone: +94 778135971

Two Historic Alliances Emerge as Parties Vie for Local Power

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In a significant development regarding the establishment of power in local government institutions, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the United National Party (UNP) reached a special agreement today. This consensus was reached during a discussion between Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa and key UNP officials.

Representing the UNP at the meeting were Party Chairman Vajira Abeywardena, General Secretary Thalatha Athukorala, and Sagala Ratnayake. Following the discussion, a joint media release signed by the general secretaries of both parties was issued.

Meanwhile, President Anura Dissanayake is scheduled to hold a special discussion today with members of five independent groups who contested and won seats in the Colombo Municipal Council during the recent local government elections. This discussion aims to secure their support for the National People’s Power (NPP) in establishing power in the Colombo Municipal Council.

A total of nine members from five independent groups were elected to the Colombo Municipal Council in the local government elections.

Economic Successes and Struggles in Vietnam and Sri Lanka

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By Visvalingam Muralithas

Vietnam has risen from the ashes of war to become one of Asia’s most dynamic and resilient economies. Meanwhile, Sri Lanka, despite similar beginnings, continues to face economic stagnation, fiscal distress, and developmental setbacks. The contrasting outcomes of these two nations—both of which experienced protracted conflicts, colonial rule, and periods of political turbulence—offer vital insights into the ingredients of sustainable post-conflict recovery and long-term economic success.

Over the past few decades, Vietnam has undergone a stunning transformation, rising from one of the poorest nations in Southeast Asia to a dynamic global economic force. This remarkable shift is not merely a tale of resilience but a testament to the country’s strategic policy choices, market-oriented reforms, and its ability to navigate and adapt to global economic trends. Today, Vietnam stands as a shining example of economic success, garnering the attention of governments, investors, and economists worldwide.

Vietnam has an estimated population of about 100 million in 2024, making it one of Southeast Asia’s most populous countries. It has a young and diverse population, with the Kinh ethnic group making up the majority. Population density is especially high in urban centers like Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi, contributing to a dynamic workforce. The country spans 331,210 square kilometers and features diverse geography, including mountains, forests, and a long coastline along the South China Sea, which supports its agricultural success and natural resource development.

Sri Lanka, on the other hand, has a much smaller population of 22 million in 2024. Its population is ethnically diverse. The country has an aging population, with an increasing number of elderly citizens. Its land area is 65,610 square kilometers, and it is known for its rich biodiversity, including tropical rainforests, beaches, and mountains. Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean has significantly influenced its history and economy.

Asia’s 15 largest economies

Vietnam has been ranked 12th among Asia’s 15 largest economies by Seasia Stats, with a projected GDP of 506 billion USD in 2025. The ranking highlights Vietnam’s rapid growth, largely fueled by booming manufacturing and foreign investment. With an expected 7% GDP growth in 2024, Vietnam stands out as one of the fastest-growing economies globally. While China, Japan, and India remain Asia’s top three economies, Vietnam’s rise places it just behind Thailand and the Philippines, and ahead of several other regional players. Indonesia leads Southeast Asia with a projected GDP of 1.5 trillion USD, followed by Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines.

In contrast, Sri Lanka ended its 26-year civil war in 2009. While the end of conflict created expectations of a rapid economic revival, the post-war years were marked by inconsistent policy, rising debt, and missed opportunities for structural reform.

Reform to Resilience

Vietnam’s economic progress is nothing short of extraordinary. In 1986, real GDP per capita stood at under US$700, by 2023, it had climbed to nearly US$4,500 (constant USD). The country has consistently maintained GDP growth rates between 6% and 7% for much of the last two decades, with projections of 6.5% growth in 2025.

Key drivers of Vietnam’s success include:

  • Market-Oriented Reforms: Đổi Mới ushered in a shift from a centrally planned economy to one open to private enterprise and foreign investment.
  • Export-Led Growth: Vietnam became a global manufacturing hub, exporting textiles, electronics, and agricultural products.
  • Foreign Direct Investment (FDI): Investor-friendly policies attracted multinational corporations like Samsung, Intel, and Nike.
  • Education and Human Capital: Vietnam prioritized universal primary education, with high secondary enrollment and a skilled, youthful workforce.
  • Stable Policy Environment: Consistent economic policies and long-term planning reassured investors and partners.

Vietnam also demonstrated resilience during global crises. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic and disruptions in global trade, its economy bounced back swiftly, supported by a diversified industrial base and prudent macroeconomic management.

Sri Lanka

  • Inconsistent Economic Policy: Shifts between socialist and market-oriented approaches have created uncertainty, deterring long-term investment.
  • Over-Reliance on Imports and Debt: A failure to develop an export-driven economy left Sri Lanka vulnerable to trade imbalances. Heavy reliance on foreign debt led to a sovereign default in 2022.
  • Weak FDI Performance: In 2023, Sri Lanka attracted just over US$1 billion in FDI—compared to Vietnam’s US$36 billion—largely due to governance issues and infrastructure deficits.
  • Underdeveloped Industrial Sector: Despite the presence of Board of Investment (BOI) zones, industrial growth has been constrained by bureaucracy, poor logistics, and underinvestment.
  • Macroeconomic Crisis: In 2022, Sri Lanka experienced its worst economic crisis in decades, with inflation exceeding 70%, fuel and food shortages, and a complete collapse of foreign reserves.

While Vietnam built strong buffers and diversified its economy, Sri Lanka remained overly dependent on volatile sectors like tourism and remittances, both of which collapsed during the pandemic.

1. Policy Stability and Vision

Vietnam’s consistent, long-term economic strategy—grounded in market liberalization—was key to investor confidence. Sri Lanka must establish a coherent economic vision that transcends political cycles.

2. Export and Industrial Policy

Vietnam transformed into a manufacturing powerhouse. Sri Lanka must shift from consumption-led growth to export-oriented development, particularly in high-value sectors.

3. Human Capital and Skills

Vietnam aligned education with industry demand. Sri Lanka needs to modernize its education system, emphasizing vocational training, STEM, and digital skills.

4. Governance and Decentralization

Vietnam empowered local governments to implement policies and attract investment. Sri Lanka could benefit from devolving economic decision-making to the provincial level.

5. Debt Discipline and Fiscal Reform

Vietnam avoided debt distress through disciplined fiscal management. Sri Lanka must commit to responsible borrowing, tax reform, and reducing wasteful expenditure.

Comparative Snapshot (2024)

IndicatorVietnamSri Lanka
Population~100 million~22 million
GDP (Projected, 2025)US$506 billion~US$85 billion
GDP Growth (2024)6.5%~2–3%
FDI Inflows (2023)US$36 billion~US$1 billion
External ReservesUS$95 billion~US$4–5 billion
IMF ProgramNoneOngoing (since 2023)
Primary Export SectorsElectronics, garmentsTea, textiles, tourism
Debt-to-GDP Ratio~40%Over 100% (pre-default)

Conclusion

Vietnam and Sri Lanka exemplify how different policy paths can shape national outcomes. Vietnam’s success story is built on pragmatism, stability, and openness to global markets. Sri Lanka’s setbacks stem from internal divisions, erratic policy, and fiscal indiscipline.

Yet, Sri Lanka’s future is not predetermined. With the right reforms—rooted in transparency, innovation, and economic inclusiveness—the country can regain lost momentum. Vietnam’s journey offers a powerful blueprint, but ultimately, Sri Lanka must chart its own course with clarity, courage, and commitment.

Writer

Visvalingam Muralithas is a researcher in the legislative sector, specializing in policy analysis and economic research. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Economics at the University of Colombo, with a research focus on governance, development, and sustainable growth.

He holds a Bachelor of Arts in Economics (Honours) from the University of Jaffna and a Master’s degree in Economics from the University of Colombo. His academic background is further strengthened by postgraduate diplomas in Education from the Open University of Sri Lanka and in Monitoring and Evaluation from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura.

In addition to his research work, Muralithas has contributed to academia by teaching economics at the University of Colombo and the Institute of Bankers of Sri Lanka (IBSL) and has also gained industry experience as an investment advisor at a stock brokerage firm affiliated with the Colombo Stock Exchange.

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