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We are not anyone’s ghosts or devils: ‘Dinana Dakuna’ Collective Issues Scathing Critique

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Following their recent press conference, the newly formed collective, “Dinana Dakuna” (Winning South) – a group advocating for the reinstatement of right-wing politics – has released a statement responding to public and media reactions.

The group, in a strongly worded note, claims that President Anura’s current political and economic strategies are unsustainable and will lead to the nation’s failure by 2028.

“When ‘Dinana Dakuna’ suggested that Anura cannot succeed, a majority of those who voted for the ‘compass’ party appeared agitated and some even became enraged,” the statement read, referring to the NPP’s election symbol. However, the collective insists their criticism is not personal but a warning about the challenges the Sri Lankan state will face under the current trajectory.

The group elaborated on their concerns, citing the “vicious challenges” posed by the debt economy. They argued that if President Anura fails to overcome these challenges, the entire country will suffer, not just those who criticize him.

Addressing accusations leveled against them, “Dinana Dakuna” acknowledged that some perceive its members as former United National Party (UNP) loyalists, “ghosts of the past,” and individuals who benefited from or protected past corruption. They also addressed claims of being rejected by the public and politically bankrupt opportunists.

While admitting that a majority within the collective has connections to the UNP and the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), they emphasized that their current views on right-wing politics are independent of these parties. They also stated that they are sensitive to criticisms regarding their political predecessors and acknowledged the presence of individuals within their past political affiliations who were responsible for both the progress and detriment of the country.

“We have sincere self-criticism about our past politics that brought us disadvantage,” the statement revealed, promising its public release soon. They maintain that their future political thinking is based on these self-reflections.

“Dinana Dakuna” further defended its past actions, highlighting its early involvement in anti-corruption efforts, including the formation of the “Dushana Vimasuma” (Corruption Watch) organization in 2010 and its role in establishing the Movement for a Just Society in 2015, which contributed to the ousting of the Rajapaksa regime. They pointed out that Anura Kumara had been a parallel force during those times.

While acknowledging the public’s mandate for President Anura in 2025, driven by the hope of ending corruption, they expressed disappointment that their belief in his ability to structurally defeat corruption is now appearing to be a “mirage.” They also noted their past support for Ranil Wickremesinghe, driven by concerns for economic well-being, recognizing a dual challenge facing the nation.

The collective stated their approval of President Anura’s adherence to the IMF framework but expressed concern over the lack of focus on wealth creation and proper state management, attributing this to the influence of socialist ideology. They urged the President to prioritize wealth generation alongside tackling corruption, criticizing their political predecessors for failing in both aspects.

“We say Anura cannot succeed because we are thinking about the country, not about power,” the statement asserted, dismissing claims of being politically bankrupt. They believe a significant portion of the country is ready to listen to their voice, arguing that electoral defeat is a characteristic of representative democracy and that the voices of the defeated should not be considered irrelevant.

Concluding with a defiant tone, “Dinana Dakuna” stated, “We are not anyone’s ghosts or devils. We are individuals who thought about the country then and now, instead of power. That is why we say, even if the dogs bark, the caravan moves forward.”

MP Archchuna Reportedly Set to Resign Amid Petition to Nullify Seat

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The Court of Appeal has scheduled June 26th to consider a petition seeking to invalidate the parliamentary membership of MP Ramanathan Archchuna.

The petition was presented before a panel of Appeal Court Justices Mayadunne Corea and Mahen Gopallawa today (May 14). The court subsequently ordered the petition to be taken up for factual consideration on June 26th.

Meanwhile, reliable sources have informed InfoSriLanka.lk that Mr. Ramanathan Archchuna is reportedly preparing to step down from his parliamentary post before June 26th.

The petition argues that Dr. Ramanathan Archchuna, being a state official attached to the Ministry of Health, holds a contract with the government and is therefore ineligible to hold a parliamentary seat.

JVP Celebrates 60th Anniversary Under First Party-Bred President

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The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), Sri Lanka’s revolutionary left-wing party, marks its 60th anniversary today, May 14th, 2025, with celebrations planned at Colombo’s Viharamahadevi Park. Founded on May 14th, 1965, at a pivotal meeting in Akmeemana, Galle, under the leadership of Rohana Wijeweera, the JVP’s initial aim was to establish a new revolutionary party for Sri Lanka’s working class to seize state power.

The JVP commemorates this milestone sixty years later under the theme “A Force to Conquer the World, An Unstoppable Journey.” Notably, this anniversary is being celebrated with a President elected from within its ranks, a historic first for the party.

The JVP’s emergence was fueled by widespread discontent among the youth during the Sirimavo Bandaranaike government’s closed economic policies, which led to long queues and severe restrictions on essential goods. The proposed path to people’s power resonated with a generation facing unemployment and caste oppression.

This early momentum culminated in the 1971 April Uprising, an attempt to seize power that ultimately failed due to communication breakdowns and resulted in mass arrests and the conversion of university campuses into detention centers. Despite its failure, the JVP maintains that the 1971 struggle was a logical outcome of the prevailing political climate, not merely an accident or a conspiracy.

Following the unsuccessful uprising, the JVP entered mainstream politics, with Rohana Wijeweera contesting the 1982 presidential election, marking the first time the party used the “bell” symbol. He secured 273,428 votes, placing third.

The party faced a ban in 1983 under the J.R. Jayewardene government amidst ethnic tensions. The late 1980s saw a second youth uprising, a period marked by violence from both the JVP and the state.

A significant turning point was the 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord, which led to the formation of provincial councils and the arrival of Indian troops, sparking JVP opposition under the banner of the “Patriotic People’s Movement.” A May Day rally in 1987 was met with police gunfire, resulting in the deaths of a university student and a worker. The ensuing “88/89 reign of terror” saw an estimated 60,000 youth killed and widespread human rights abuses. Rohana Wijeweera was captured and killed in 1989.

In the late 1990s and 2000s, the JVP gradually shifted towards nationalism, although some nationalist tendencies were evident earlier, as seen in Wijeweera’s 1985 book on the Tamil Eelam struggle.

The JVP entered coalition politics in 2001, supporting Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s government to prevent its collapse. This led to an alliance with Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party, resulting in 39 parliamentary seats in the subsequent election. Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the current leader and President, served as a cabinet minister in this period.

During the 2004-2005 period, the JVP aligned with nationalist organizations, advocating for the continuation of the civil war in the north. They also played a key role in challenging the government’s peace talks with the LTTE and the post-tsunami aid agreement.

The JVP supported Sarath Fonseka against Mahinda Rajapaksa in the 2010 presidential election, following a period of internal conflict regarding the party’s strategies after its reorganization in 1994. This internal strife led to a split in 2011, with a breakaway faction forming the Frontline Socialist Party.

In recent years, the JVP, now under the National People’s Power (NPP) coalition, contested the 2019 presidential election with Anura Kumara Dissanayake as its candidate, securing 3% of the vote. In the 2020 general election, they won 3.84% of the votes, gaining three parliamentary seats.

The JJB played a role in the 2022 “Aragalaya” protests, initially claiming it was a leaderless movement ready for their leadership. However, the JVP’s trade union arm’s decision to suspend strikes drew criticism.

After years of supporting various presidential candidates, Anura Kumara Dissanayake contested and won the 2024 presidential election under the National People’s Power (NPP) banner, a coalition including the JVP, marking a historic moment for the party as it celebrates its 60th anniversary.

Vimukthi Dushantha

This article has been compiled by a freelance writer and the writer is responsible for the accuracy of the facts, information, statistics, and sources contained in the article.

NPP’s Gampaha District Office Gets a New Look

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The National People’s Power (NPP) recently inaugurated its new Gampaha District public coordination office.

The opening ceremony was held under the patronage of ministers Vijitha Herath, Mahinda Jayasinghe, and Muneer Mulaffer.

Colombo Mayoral Race in Limbo as Wickremesinghe Enters Fray

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Colombo remains without a clear majority in its Municipal Council following the recent local government elections, leading to a state of uncertainty regarding who will assume power.

Initial prospects favored the National People’s Power (NPP) as many opposition groups and independent members reportedly harbored reservations about supporting Sajith Premadasa, the Leader of the Opposition, and the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB).

However, the political landscape shifted with the return of former President and United National Party (UNP) Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe from his India tour. Sources indicate that he has actively engaged in the battle for control of the Colombo Municipal Council. Wickremesinghe has reportedly held discussions with key figures within the SJB, as well as independent groups and smaller parties.

These discussions, according to insiders, are aimed at finding a consensus candidate who is acceptable to the opposition and capable of effectively serving Colombo as Mayor. In the recent elections, the NPP secured 81,814 votes (36.92%) and 48 seats in the Colombo Municipal Council. The SJB emerged as the second-largest party with 58,375 votes (26.34%) and 29 seats.

To secure a majority in the Colombo Municipal Council, 59 seats are required. This means the NPP needs an additional 11 seats to gain control, while the SJB requires 30 more seats.

The UNP, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), and independent groups collectively hold 40 seats in the council. Political sources suggest that the two main contenders, the NPP and the SJB, are intensely lobbying these members to gain their support. Spokespersons for both the NPP and the SJB have issued statements expressing confidence in their respective parties’ victory.

SJB Suffers Shock Defeat in Colombo Mayoral Race to 19-Year-Old Rival

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Despite Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) leader Sajith Premadasa’s assertion of securing power in the Colombo Municipal Council, the party’s mayoral candidate has been defeated by a 19-year-old female candidate from the National People’s Power (NPP).

The SJB nominated Dr. Ruweys Haniffa, representing a division in Borella, as their mayoral candidate for Colombo. The NPP fielded a 19-year-old as their candidate for the same division.

Minister Vijitha Herath’s response to the SJB’s ongoing campaigns has been released separately.

“Anura Won’t Cope”: Dinana Dakuna Warns of Dire Debt Crisis Under Current Leadership

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake lacks the strength to face the looming economic challenges of 2028, particularly the significant debt repayments due that year, stated Attorney-at-Law Shiral Lakthilaka during a press conference organized by ‘Dinana Dakuna’ (Winning South), a collective aiming to reinstate right-wing politics.

The press briefing, held on May 8th at the Janaki Hotel in Colombo 05 under the theme “‘Anura Can’t’: Poverty of the Compass in the Face of 2028 Debt Repayments,” saw Lakthilaka express strong doubts about the president’s economic capabilities.

“President Anura Kumara had ample opportunity in the last six months to demonstrate a robust plan to overcome the severe challenges Sri Lanka faces as a nation, but he has failed to show any such plan,” Lakthilaka asserted. “Furthermore, an even more daunting challenge than what we currently face is expected in 2028. To overcome this, a strong plan built through multilateral discussions is essential. President Anura’s journey so far indicates a groping in the dark rather than a solid strategy. Therefore, we believe that Anura cannot face the economic challenges of 2028.”

During the media briefing, the “Debt Repayment Truth Meter” was also launched, along with the unveiling of sltruthmeter.com, a real-time update website intended to monitor the government’s economic activities and disseminate factual information to the public.

The event saw the participation of several prominent figures, including President’s Counsel Maithree Gunaratne, Nishantha Warnasinghe, Dr. Mahesh Hapugoda, Dr. Athulasiri Samarakoon, Nadeesh de Silva, Maheel Bandara, Madhuri Ranasinghe, and Attorney-at-Law Sudarshana Gunawardhana, in addition to Shiral Lakthilaka.

At the occasion, ‘Dinana Dakuna’ released a statement titled “Statement on the Wicked Challenges Facing the Country.” The statement highlighted the “wicked problem” of the debt economy and its ten primary dynamics, including the reliance on borrowing for development, lack of wealth generation, consumption-based short-term growth, artificial asset growth, debt servicing consuming growth profits, continuous borrowing, vulnerability to external economic pressures, the vicious cycle of the financial economy built by the debt economy, the collapse of the production economy due to decreased purchasing power, and rising social inequality.

The collective emphasized that such complex crises lack simple solutions and require a creative and practical mindset developed through multilateral discussions (Design Thinking) for continuous improvement.

The statement also raised critical questions about the government’s plan to exit the current debt economy when foreign debt repayments recommence in 2028, questioning the existence of a robust economic vision beyond conventional approaches and whether the groundwork for this is being laid between 2025 and 2028.

Highlighting the scale of the challenge, ‘Dinana Dakuna’ pointed out that Sri Lanka needs to pay USD 3.107 billion in debt installments in 2028, comprising USD 2.133 billion in annual primary debt installments and USD 974 million in annual interest. The statement further detailed the current pressures on the country’s debt economy, including an estimated revenue of USD 16.7 billion and a budget deficit of USD 7.3 billion in 2025, a trade deficit of USD 6.07 billion in 2024, leading to an estimated annual new borrowing of USD 13.37 billion. The total national debt stood at USD 95.25 billion as of June 2024, with a projected increase suggesting a total debt of USD 141 billion by the end of 2027, making the 2028 debt repayments potentially unmanageable based on current income levels.

Sky-High Taxes Stall Vehicle Sales in Sri Lanka

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Vehicle importers report a significant slump in demand despite recent imports, attributing the downturn to exorbitant tax percentages that have inflated prices beyond the reach of most buyers.

Currently, only luxury vehicles catering to the affluent are being sold, while sales to the average middle-class consumer have drastically declined.

Importers warn that this situation could jeopardize the government’s anticipated tax revenue targets.

Dramatic Shift in Political Landscape: NPP Support Wanes Significantly, Warns Herath

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The National People’s Power’s (NPP) voter base is highly dynamic and has experienced a substantial decline in six months, according to Former Member of the Parliament Dr. Charitha Herath. He criticized certain leaders for ignoring this situation, describing it as a serious delusion. Herath believes that Anuruddha Dissanayake, Lal Kantha, and Vijitha Herath understand the gravity of this trend.

Regarding the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), Herath noted that the gains in their voter base are insufficient, suggesting they could have achieved a more significant victory. He stressed the need for a closer examination of this situation.

Herath emphasized that the resurgence of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) must be taken seriously, stating that significant changes are necessary for them to regain state power. However, he expressed doubt that the party is ready for such transformations, making it difficult for them to achieve this goal.

He acknowledged that the United National Party’s (UNP) 4.8 lakh votes constitute a significant number and that future decisions should be made with a clear understanding of this.

Herath pointed out that out of the country’s 17 million voters, approximately 8 million are not affiliated with any political party, highlighting a growing trend of non-partisan voters since 2015. He also noted the weakening appeal of Anura Dissanayake’s address and the challenge of creating a new, effective alternative.

Herath underscored that creating a new address to replace Anura Dissanayake’s is the main challenge and that preparations should be made for this.

Sabotage Allegations Rock SJB: Internal Forces Accused of Undermining Sajith Premadasa

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A pro-Sajith Premadasa newspaper, Mawrata, has leveled serious accusations against internal factions within the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), alleging a concerted effort to sabotage the party leader despite the SJB’s increased vote base in the recent elections.

The report claims that Mr. Premadasa did not receive adequate support from within the party, suggesting that the SJB could have achieved a significantly greater victory if not for internal undermining.

Further allegations point to the SJB media unit for allegedly inviting MPs with opposing views to press conferences and for sowing discord among younger parliamentarians. MPs Prasad Sirivardhana, Charith Abeysinghe, and Waruna Deeptha Rajapaksa are reportedly facing internal opposition amidst these accusations.

The newspaper also details an alleged conspiracy following the previous presidential election defeat, where senior SJB figures, including Kavinda Jayawardhana, Hirunika Premachandra, and Eranda Welikange, purportedly pushed for Sajith Premadasa’s removal as party leader in favor of Harsha de Silva.

The Mawrata report includes extensive quotes detailing these alleged internal sabotaging efforts. The newspaper claims that while Mr. Premadasa campaigned tirelessly nationwide, certain senior members actively criticized him behind his back, questioned his ability to win elections, and ridiculed his appearance and speaking style. The report states they have ample evidence of these actions and intend to reveal the identities of these “conspirators” in a future special article.

The report further alleges that these individuals plotted in Colombo to oust Mr. Premadasa after the elections, anticipating a poor performance by the SJB. It contrasts this with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s (JVP) strategy of mobilizing its MPs at the grassroots level, suggesting the SJB could have performed much better had its senior members actively supported the campaign.

The SJB media unit is also accused of being aligned with these “conspirators,” actively working to undermine Mr. Premadasa and failing to defend him against attacks. The report claims the media unit prioritizes inviting dissenting MPs to press conferences and spreads negativity among young parliamentarians.

Adding to the turmoil, the resignation of SJB Chairman Imithiyas Bakeer Markar during the election period is highlighted as another element of the alleged conspiracy. The report questions the timing and public nature of his resignation, suggesting it was a deliberate attempt to weaken the SJB’s electoral prospects. Despite this, Mr. Premadasa reappointed Mr. Markar as chairman.

The report also sheds light on alleged attacks targeting rising young SJB leaders Prasad Sirivardhana, Charith Abeysinghe, and Waruna Deeptha Rajapaksa. These MPs are credited with spearheading a successful social media campaign for the SJB in the recent local government elections, a significant improvement from previous elections where the party struggled in this area. However, their success has reportedly triggered opposition from within the party’s senior ranks, indicating resistance to the rise of new leadership.

The newspaper asserts that the conspiracy to undermine Mr. Premadasa and the SJB dates back to the previous presidential election. It claims that senior SJB members actively worked against efforts by individuals from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) to join and support Mr. Premadasa. They allegedly slandered these potential allies and opposed their appointment as organizers. Following Mr. Premadasa’s defeat, these “conspirators” allegedly sought to align the SJB with the United National Party (UNP) and its leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The report further details an alleged attempt to sabotage the SJB’s May Day rally held just six days before the local government elections. It claims that senior members shirked responsibility for organizing the rally in Colombo, with the task ultimately being taken up by plantation leaders Digambaram and Radhakrishnan in Thalawakelle.

An incident concerning Mr. Premadasa’s rushed departure from the Thalawakelle May Day rally due to adverse weather conditions for his return helicopter flight is also highlighted. The report criticizes senior SJB leaders and the media unit for failing to clarify the situation, allowing the government and other factions to launch a social media attack against Mr. Premadasa and the SJB. Only Mr. Radhakrishnan publicly defended Mr. Premadasa’s actions.

The Mawrata report hints at further revelations, stating their intention to expose another plan by these “conspirators” in their upcoming “Rajya Rahas” column. They claim these individuals anticipated an SJB defeat in the local government elections and plotted to convene the SJB parliamentary group to demand Mr. Premadasa’s resignation as party leader immediately after a poor showing.

The report suggests that Mr. Premadasa was aware of these internal machinations but chose to remain silent and focused on the election campaign to avoid creating further divisions within the party. It also alleges a prior conspiracy to prevent Mr. Premadasa from obtaining the position of Leader of the Opposition after the general election, including the drafting of a related letter.

Furthermore, the report mentions a post-general election meeting of these “conspirators” at the residence of an SJB MP in Gampaha, some of whom have since joined Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government.

The report also points to the incident where Thalatha Athukorala publicly criticized Mr. Premadasa after joining the UNP. It notes the silence of senior SJB members in defending their leader, with only young MPs Hesha Vithanage and S.M. Marikkar speaking out in his support. The report concludes by highlighting the contrast between the “conspirators'” expectation of an SJB defeat and the young MPs’ confidence in the party’s victory.

Finally, the report reiterates the allegation that certain senior SJB members, including Kavinda Jayawardhana, Hirunika Premachandra, and Eranda Weliange, called for Mr. Premadasa to step down as leader in favor of Harsha de Silva following the presidential election defeat, despite Mr. de Silva’s poor performance in his electorate.